Examining Institutionalized Racism, Militarized Policing, and the Legacy of Michael Brown in the Ferguson Riots

Introduction

‘Police work is violence work’ (Seigel 2018). This is a term coined by Micol Seigel to describe and explain the way in which the police carry out acts of violence for the government and are ultimately a force that is a vicarious way of the state exercising the power and control that they have over citizens. They exercise this power by using police to carry out acts of violence. These acts of police violence are mostly the work of systematic and embedded racism. For decades, the concept of policing has been shielded by political arguments and the desires and interests of capital (Seigel 2018). This has prevented there being substantial and realistic opposition to the morality and overbearing concept of policing. Furthermore, arguments of ‘security’ and indeed health statistics prevent detailed discussion into the matter of the safety of having a police force. Ask some people, and they will say we do not even need a police force. Is it a waste of funds? Are they a danger to us? Do they operate with too much autonomy? These are questions that need to be answered.

Ferguson Riots: A Case Study

This article will revisit the Ferguson riots, which were triggered by the fatal shooting of black man Michael Brown. He was an unarmed 18-year-old black man who was killed by a white police officer in Ferguson, Missouri in 2014. What followed was a series of peaceful protests that turned violent as tensions began to rise. Curfews were installed in anticipation. The officer, Darren Wilson, was not charged with any count of murder by a grand jury, and what followed was a night of violent protests in which many were arrested for violence. This case study will help us to analyse the extent to which police work is, in fact, violence work, that perpetuates the states’ vicarious use of the police to instil fear and control over the rest of the population. This is shown through the assembly of the police upon activism taking place as a way of quieting the resistance. This study will aim to add to the work already done on the militarisation of police (Steidley and Ramey, 2019), discussing to what extent the US police are militarised. It will use the Ferguson riots, and the death of Michael Brown to examine the way in which “police work is the work of the state, and the work of the state is violence, racialized in the interests of capital” (Seigel 2018, p.29). Furthermore, it will analyse the racist origins of policing regarding the contemporary impact it has. Sadly, with more relevance every day, this topic is of ever-increasing importance.

Police Work as Violence Work

This article looks at the disproportionate use of violence by police towards black citizens, and the roots of the problem. Jesse Goldberg argues that “policing in the United States is inherently organized by a(n) (il)logic of anti-Blackness that necessitates racist violence as a structural component of its practice” (Goldberg 2019, P. 522). This is significant as it sustains institutionalised racism against black people. Goldberg draws upon the work of Hartmann, who argues that the black person is subject to the violence of the state and law without any protection of it. They are therefore racially stigmatized before there is even a possibility of protection, and instead become the object of abuse. This, she says is born historically out of the repercussions of slavery, in which the black person is treated as non-human. This has since been carried forward into the institutions of governments around the world, especially found in America, where the state maintains and exercises its embedded power over the black person. This takes the form of police violence (Goldberg 2019). Goldberg outlines Hartmann’s argument in such a way that one can see the evident institutionalised prejudice over black people that takes its origins in the historical consequences of slavery. This is seen in the events that unfolded in Ferguson in 2014, where Michael Brown, who was unarmed, was shot by a white gun-wielding police officer, who was exercising the state’s power and oppression over black people. This significantly shows that police work is violence work through the carrying out of oppression and control. 

Race is a Set of Relations

Race is “a set of relations within a network of power that organizes people into particular groups and/or roles to govern the polity” (Olson 2004, Cited in Bucanto, p. 119). Bucanto further discusses that racial domination can be found in the creation of US democracy. He offers an explanation, in parallel with that of Seigel, of the role that policing plays in racial capitalism and class formation. Racial capitalism is necessary when discussing police work as violence work. This notion describes the evolution of capitalism and racism from its history of violence and imperialism. Capitalism is inherently to do with race due to the way that workers are separated from one another. The police are there to emphasize state control and make sure that the system of capitalism continues. Thus, racism has deep roots in society through the historical implementation of these institutions. Seigel writes “Analysis of US policing must consider its active racialization of Black and brown subjects, constant since the US police’s structural formation as an anti-black force” (Seigel 2018, p. 24). The example of Michael Brown and the Ferguson riots shows this through the treatment of the protestors following the murder of the 18-year-old.

Contemporary State Violence Toward Black People

There is a wealth of research that has been carried out specifically around contemporary state violence towards black people. For example, Orsanmi Burton details the 2013 report named “Operation Ghetto Storm” published by the Malcolm X Grassroots Movement which presents evidence of “313 killings of Black people by state-sanctioned actors during the preceding year” (Burton 2015). The use of ‘state-sanctioned actors’ implies the view that officers who carried out these killings are doing so on behalf of the state and government. This is significant as it presents to us the institutionalised racism rooted in our society that this case study details. Moreover, it furthers the notion that police work is indeed violence through the brutality carried out against these black people. Burton proceeds to discuss how this report highlights a knowledge gap that is known about ‘state violence in the United States” (Burton 2015). If police work is state work, it must be violence work.

Fatal Shootings and Legislative Changes

 Furthermore, Laurence Ralph (2019) details how a 2013 analysis by ProPublica found black males to be significantly more at risk of being fatally shot than white people. Additionally, this report found that in 91% of cases in which a person had been fatally shot, a white officer had been the person to fire the bullet (ProPublica 2014, cited in Ralph 2019). This is extremely relevant in parallel with this case study of Michael Brown. The report further finds that officers upon being convicted, would use the excuse/rationale that they were acting in self-defence. After the passing of legislation in 1985 (Tennessee v. Garner) which stated officers could use deadly force if the suspect posed a threat to them, the percentage of the use of this rationale increased from 33% to 62% (ProPublica 2014, cited in Ralph 2019). Darren Wilson, the officer who shot Michael Brown said that he was attacked by the victim when he was in his vehicle, whilst Brown’s friend who was with him stated that he had his hands raised in the air. Wilson is simply another statistic of state-authorized violence. Ralph discusses how the black people who were interviewed for his study all saw a gun in the hands of a police officer as a “technology that is rooted in the slave patrol” (Ralph 2019). This is because police shootings overwhelmingly occur when a white officer shoots a “descendant of enslaved people’ (Ralph 2019). This shows us that police work is indeed violence work through state-authorised and racially motivated violence that is carried out using the police, as seen in the case of Michael Brown’s unlawful killing.

Militarisation of the Police: Ferguson Riots

Now we examine the militarisation of the police and its racial connotations by examining the 2014 Ferguson Riots. It will draw on Garth Den Heyer’s work on the Ferguson riots (2020) and police responses to them. The Ferguson riots are a key example showing the militarisation of police, as it involved the deployment of the Missouri National Guard after the violence from the protests started to increase (New York Times 2015). The severity of the violence is present through the Governor of Missouri declaring a state of emergency and a curfew of midnight. Throughout the riots, the police used tear gas and eventually rubber bullets. Police militarisation can be loosely defined as “the process whereby civilian police increasingly draw from, and pattern themselves around, the tenets of militarism and the military model” (Kraska 2007, cited in Greenwald 2014). The use of rubber bullets, tear gas, and smoke canisters by the police (The Telegraph 2014) shows not a civilian model of the police, but rather that like an army. Furthermore, the deployment of armoured vehicles by the police, in response to an escalation of violence further shows us an example of militarisation of the police. Pictures of policemen carrying AR-15 rifles soon circulated in the media following the protests. Thus ensued the debate on the militarisation of the police, which is very evident. Steidley and Ramey (2019) offer insight into the early conceptualization of police militarisation, which has significance in the Ferguson riots. Drawing upon the work of Waddington (1987), they discuss that early notions of police militarisation and analysis involve the use of riot gear by police to control public upset and, as discussed, armoured vehicles and so forth. This directly correlates to the police response in the Ferguson riots. Inherently, one could always argue that the police have some form of militarisation. The hierarchy of command is very similar to that of an army, with chiefs, captains, lieutenants, and so forth. Bittner discusses this, saying “the formalism that characterizes military organization, the insistence on rules and regulations, on spit and polish, on obedience to superiors, and so on, constitute a permanent rehearsal for the real thing” (Bittner 1970, cited in Steidley and Ramey 2019, p.3).

Comparative Analysis: Police vs. Military

Additionally, Steidley and Ramey also delve into the use of the police by the state in comparison to that of the military. They discuss that “while the military is expected to use violence as a primary tool in overcoming any opposition, police work is different in that it may use violence to pacify domestic populations resisting social order” (Steidley and Ramey 2019, p.2). This is significant as it shows the similarities between the army and the police in their use to suppress any social disruption that may occur. The police are simply a domesticated form of military. Concerning the Ferguson riots, this is evident. With the police being deployed to pacify the resistance of the population. Therefore, not only is it possible to argue that the police are indeed militarized (in this case in America), but it is also clear to see that police work is violence work, as the state uses the police in a very similar way to which they use the army: with violence being a factor in their response to any unrest in the state’s borders. Regarding other institutions used by the state, the police are different as no other sector, such as public schools, has any other model that it takes ‘inspiration’ from. 

Information Suppression during Ferguson Riots

When analysing the Ferguson riots and the events that unfolded, one must examine not simply the use of military technology and equipment, but also their information suppression. Journalists including Ryan Reilley (The Huffington Post) and Wesley Lowery (The Washington Post) were the first arrested, along with three other journalists later that day (Stelter, 2014). The significance of this cannot be understated. As is their job, the journalists were there to cover the events that were unfolding, rather than rioting or instilling any violence at the police. This means that their arrests can be observed as suppression of information. Greenwald writes “militarization tactics “don’t just affect protesters, but also affect those who cover the protest” (Greenwald 2014). These show state-ordered military tactics in the way of controlling the narrative and suppressing the resistance not only in a physical manner but also in a media aspect. Furthermore, Lieblich and Shinar (2018) argue that direct violence isn’t how police militarisation always takes form, but rather that the “essential effect of the presumption of threat—manifested in militarization—is symbolic or expressive” (Lieblich and Shinar 2018, p. 108). This shows in the case of the Ferguson riots that the militarisation of police does not only come from physically detaining the protesters and ultimately using force, but rather simply stems from the intimidation that they carry, and it can be argued that the mere presence of the police at the riots as a symbolic threat is what carries the characteristic of militarisation. 

Final Thoughts

The shooting of Michael Brown, an unarmed black man, shows us that police work is indeed violence work. The disproportionate killing of black people is ingrained in the institutions that hold their roots in that of slavery. Micol Seigel’s argument is very influential on this matter. The discussion that the police were established as an ‘anti-black force’ has never had more truth to it, evident not only through Michael Brown but countless others. If racism is embedded in the institutions of the state, then it must be embedded in the police, thus the oppression and killing of black people by officers is state work, and thus police work must be seen to be violence work. This violence work is only further evident in the riots of Ferguson through the scenes of police militarisation. The employment of tactics and weaponry including assault rifles, armoured cars, and tear gas shows the extent of police militarisation used as a mechanism to threaten, both physically and symbolically. The militarisation of the police in Ferguson shows the state exercising its control and authority over the population, and the suppression of social resistance. 

References

Bucanto, B. (2020) “Policing Race and Racing Police: The Origin of US Police in Slave Patrols” Social Justice 

Burton, O. (2015) “Black Lives Matter: A Critique of Anthropology” Society for Cultural Anthropology, 29. 06. 15.

Goldberg, J.A. (2019) “James Baldwin and the Anti-Black Force of Law: On Excessive Violence and Exceeding Violence” Public Culture 31 (3): 521-538

Greenwald, G. (2014).  “THE MILITARIZATION OF U.S. POLICE: FINALLY DRAGGED INTO THE LIGHT BY THE HORRORS OF FERGUSON” The Intercept. 08. 14. 14.

Heyer, G. D. (2020) “Police Response to Riots: Case Studies from France, London, Ferguson, and Baltimore,” Springer. 

Lieblich, E. and Shinar, A. (2018) “The Case Against Police Militarization” Michigan Journal of Race and Law. V. 23(1,2) 

New York Times. (2015) “What happened in Ferguson?” 15. 08. 15.https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2014/08/13/us/ferguson-missouri-town-under-siege-after-police-shooting.html

Ralph, L. (2019) “The logic of the slave patrol: the fantasy of black predatory violence and the use of force by the police”, Palgrave Communications V.5(1) 

Seigel, M. (2018) ‘Violence work: policing and power’, Race & Class, 59(4), pp. 15–33.

Steidley, T. and Ramey, D.M. (2019) “Police militarisation in the United States” Sociology Compass. V. 13(4)

Stelter, B. (2014) “6 more journalists arrested in Ferguson protests” CNN, 20. 08. 14 https://edition.cnn.com/2014/08/19/us/ferguson-journalists-arrested/index.html

The Telegraph. (2014) “National guard called in after a second night of chaos in Ferguson, Missouri.” 17. 08. 14. https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/northamerica/usa/11040870/National-Guard-troops-called-in-after-night-of-chaos-in-Ferguson.html